Romney says America’s leadership is too old to take on China
“There is no way that a group of men and women in Congress will develop a strategy to counter this,” said Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah. said bluntly On Wednesday. “We are being overtaken in a dramatic way on the world stage.”
Speaking to the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, the 2012 GOP presidential candidate said the Chinese regime had an “extremely comprehensive strategy” for world power. “We are not set up as a group of people who are a little toothless to develop something so comprehensive that we will push back in a positive way,” he said. “So I wonder what are we doing?” Said Romney.
Presumably someone in Washington should be there.
Seasoned Irish financial journalist Eamonn Fingleton had a spicy piece in the current print edition The American Conservative Addressing this question. It was published online on Thursday. “The mantra became” Trade deficits don’t matter “.” Fingleton writes of intellectual debates over the past few decades. “This served the interests of mercantilist nations like Japan, Germany and China, which have worked diligently to build increasingly advanced manufacturing industries and therefore have generally benefited greatly from the relocation of American jobs. With the great mercantilist nations today by far the most productive sources of investment capital in the world, Wall Street fulfills all of their needs. “
“Almost no one in the American press has questioned this,” continues Fingleton (of course TACHas Long was a notable exception). “Since the ‘sophisticated’ view among media professionals that the United States is leading the world into a new post-industrial age of unprecedented prosperity. Meanwhile, the faster U.S. factories close, the better it is reportedly. “
In response to Romney’s request, Fingleton suggests to the new American president, “The model for what Biden should do is already out there: the 1971 Nixon Shock package,” a collective bargaining policy that Fingleton allows the US to do 800 pound gorilla of the world economy “to stay. And where is the gorilla sitting? “Anywhere he wants.” In closing, Fingleton says coolly, “Any action Biden is taking now will necessarily be four decades too late. The scale of the problem he is facing is colossal. But unless he acts immediately and with considerable determination, it is difficult to see how the United States can pursue a broader future as a First World power. “
It’s not at all clear if Romney would ever read someone like Fingleton, who is a pedigree and a respected thinker, but also a clear outcast of his generation. The two men were born one year apart. While Fingleton opposed the prevailing approach for an age of globalization, Romney, in a sense, steered the ship, a captain of the (financial) industry, a pioneer of private stocks EquiteSome would say one Outsourcer in perfect completionand later as a major party candidate for president, Main complainant that Barack Obama wasn’t trading lucky enough.
Despite what is known about Romney, so much remains in the dark. His view of the world seems quasi-modo, even in its eighth decade, curious. “So I wonder what are we doing?” It is not every day that one hears a senator’s admission revealing ignorance, particularly on matters of state and strategy against America’s strongest rivals to date.
Employees who have worked for him swear “Mitt is a realist”, not a neoconservative Sketches implied by its stillborn administration once. His network of supporters remains influential, from Republican fixer and radio host Hugh Hewitt to Robert C. O’Brien, the former national security adviser. In conservative circles, the now young Senator from Utah is sometimes referred to as a kind of proto-Trump.
Back then, it was Romney who was the favorite with hardliners like columnist Ann Coulter and the extraordinary blogger Matt Drudge, advocating persistent immigration policies. And it was Romney who rang alarm bells early on about China and continued to do so, which became relevant again when Romney was seen as Donald Trump’s foreign secretary and is now back in the saddle in Washington. Saurabh Sharma from the Zoomer Nationalist American moment called his “qualified case for Mitt Romney,” and Oren Cass, the executive director of American Compass, who wants to build on some of Trump’s ideas but not Trump, is a former top Romney employee.
Romney’s current position seems to be an uncomfortable one, that is, as a role model for the conservative old guard. However, Romney has held Picayune views that Russia is America’s greatest geopolitical adversary (Obama was right the first time) that would fit like a glove into the American Enterprise Institute, the once-unparalleled conservative think tank.
But the shroud of Pro-Trump vs. Anti-trump obscures more than it reveals.
Romney was once politically independent and proud of it. “I was independent during Reagan-Bush,” said Romney Senator Ted Kennedy during a 1994 Senate debate in Massachusetts. And of course, pro-lifers have long viewed Romney with deep suspicion as the once-avowed pro-choice governor of Bay State, which may have cost him the 2012 election as he received only lukewarm white evangelical support – but this is debated by both of them in the matter and on the assertion that, given the later enthusiasm for Trump, suspicions against Romney in this corner were always based on sheer bigotry.
But in this respect too, Romney was and remains the Republican Rorschach Test. The number of socially conservatives arguing about how he conducts his personal life as a devoted (sprawling) family man, husband, and tea teller is exactly zero. The man appears to be a parody of Protestant work ethic. And maybe it is precisely this optimism and structure that has led him to be misunderstood and confused by a fading America.
“I think the most pessimistic candidate will win,” advised entrepreneur Peter Thiel Romney in 2012, as George Packer reported for the first time in his book. The unwinding.
Four years later, a very different businessman and Republican followed the advice and won the competition that Romney failed to win. And four years later, Donald Trump disappeared from Washington, and it remains Romney. Romney may speak to the lack of dynamic personalities in the upper chamber (anyone who has ever heard of Martin Heinrich, the New Mexico senator?), And is in the top ten, if not the top 5, more important senators .
But he is apparently all ears what exactly to do with this force. And he thinks the same of his generation.
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